Emo Nights and the Convergence of Physical and Digital Identity

Introduction

This report details the evolution of my ethnographic study on the emo subculture within nightlife spaces, specifically focusing on Emo Nights. Initially, my research was directed towards exploring accessibility issues in nightclubs for individuals with disabilities, a reflection of a personal epiphany stemming from the experience of a friend confined to the ground floor at Burdekin Hotel due to her wheelchair. However, further reflection made me realise that while this is a critical issue, it did not fully capture the essence of the emo subculture I sought to explore. Consequently, I adapted my approach to include physical and accessibility and the broader digital landscape, where emo subcultures thrive. 

Reflexivity in Adapting the Research Focus

Reflexivity is an essential component of ethnographic research, requiring sensitivity and flexibility in adapting to new insights and shifting research dynamics (Kavaki & Kraeplin 2017). Initially, I was captivated by my friend’s experience, which raised critical questions about the inclusivity of nightlife venues. However, this focus on physical accessibility, while necessary, limited my ability to observe other facets of emo culture. As Tutenges (2022) emphasises, ethnography should engage with lived experiences across different dimensions. I realised that by honing in exclusively on disability, I neglected the more significant subcultural dynamics within Emo Nights.

I shifted from a purely disability-focused lens to a broader examination of how physical and digital spaces intersect to shape the emo subculture. This change was informed by Buckland’s (2002) work on queer world-making in club culture, which argues that nightclubs are sites of identity formation and community building. In my study, I recognised that emo subculture is similarly formed in physical venues and digital spaces where participants engage with each other and the community through social media platforms like Instagram. This reflexivity allowed me to adapt my research and ensure that my findings were more representative of the subculture I aimed to investigate.  

Including Both Epiphanies: Physical Accessibility and Digital Spaces

In incorporating both epiphanies, I aimed to provide a holistic analysis of how Emo Nights function as cultural hubs while also being sites of social exclusion. The first epiphany which revolved around wheelchair users’ limited 

My second epiphany, which focused on the sense of community cultivated in unexpected areas such as the smoking section (smokos), opened up an opportunity to examine how emo subcultures thrive beyond the dance floor. This insight led me to explore the role of digital platforms in fostering emo communities, where individuals who can not physically access venues, like my friend, can still engage with the subculture online. Netnographic approaches, as outlined by Kavaki and Kraeplin (2017), enabled me to analyse how emo subcultures manifest through Instagram posts, reels, and other digital interactions. By considering both physical and digital spaces, I was able to provide a more nuanced understanding of how emo subcultures sustain and grow, bridging the gap between exclusion and inclusion. 

Content Evolution and Media Choices

Reflecting that dual focus, my content creation strategy also evolved. Initially, I planned to produce a research paper on accessibility issues in nightclubs. However, as my understanding of the emo subculture expanded, I embraced more dynamic media forms. I shifted to producing a video essay to be distributed across YouTube and reiterated to short-form content on Instagram reels. These platforms are integral to the digital expression of emo subculture. Additionally, I incorporated Pinterest to share fashion and meme content, mirroring that of the emonightshitposting meme page on Instagram. This multimedia approach aligns with my research focus on digital spaces and allows for broader dissemination of my findings to a wider audience. 

In adapting my ethnographic study, I moved from a narrowly focused investigation of nightclub accessibility to a broader exploration of emo subculture in physical and digital spaces. Reflexivity allowed me to reassess and reframe my research, ultimately incorporating both epiphanies to provide a more comprehensive analysis. By blending traditional ethnographic methods with netnographic approaches, I captured the dual nature of emo culture as it exists in both nightclubs and online platforms. This shift in focus enhanced the depth of my investigation and broadened my content creation strategy, ensuring that my findings would resonate with the emo community across multiple platforms.

The intersection of physical and digital spaces is pivotal in shaping contemporary subcultures, including the emo community. This report reflects critically on the evolution of my ethnographic skills as an audience member and content creator for a niche media scene: Emo Nights. Initially driven by concerns over accessibility for individuals with disabilities within nightlife spaces, my research expanded as I became more aware of how identity is constructed in physical and digital realms. Drawing on traditional ethnography and netnographic approaches, I examine how Emo Nights function as cultural hubs where participants negotiate their identities across multiple dimensions—highlighting how the physical nightclub experience is mirrored and amplified online.

Reflexivity and the Evolution of Focus

Ethnographic research demands reflexivity, the ability to adapt as new insights emerge (Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017). Early in my investigation, I focused on the physical accessibility issues at Emo Nights, influenced by a personal epiphany: my friend, a wheelchair user, could not fully engage with the space at Burdekin Hotel. While this experience sparked essential questions about inclusivity in nightlife venues, it also led me to a broader realisation. My research focus, while critical, was overly narrow. Emo culture’s essence is physical and thrives in digital spaces where community building happens through social media. This realisation prompted a shift in my approach, expanding my lens to include both physical and digital landscapes.

By incorporating both epiphanies—physical accessibility and the digital realm—I could more holistically analyse how Emo Nights serve as sites for inclusion and exclusion. Tutenges (2022) argues that ethnography should engage with lived experiences across multiple dimensions, and my investigation now includes how emo culture operates both in-person and online. This shift reflects Buckland’s (2002) framework on club culture, where identity formation and world-making happen in tandem across physical and digital platforms. Emo subcultures, I realised, are not confined to the dance floor but extend into digital spaces such as Instagram, where memes, posts, and music are essential to maintaining community ties.

Exploring Physical and Digital Spaces: The Interplay of Identity

In merging traditional ethnography with netnography, my research acknowledges the dual spaces where emo subcultures thrive. Emo Nights, specifically at venues like AM//PM, serve as sanctuaries where participants express themselves through fashion, makeup, music, and social interaction. Here, individuals defy societal norms—much like Buckland’s (2002) exploration of queer world-making—through androgynous aesthetics, black clothing, and alternative fashion that challenges mainstream expectations. As Sarah Thornton (1995) noted, music also acts as a form of cultural capital within these subcultures. Emo and pop-punk tracks provide emotional catharsis and signalling membership to the scene.

However, traditional ethnography alone does not fully capture the scope of identity construction within contemporary subcultures. Emo culture extends far beyond the nightclub’s physical space, a fact illuminated through netnographic observations. Kozinets (2010) describes netnography as the study of online social interactions. In the context of Emo Nights, social media platforms such as Instagram and TikTok have become digital extensions of these physical spaces. Emo subcultures continue to evolve through posts, reels, and memes, where identity work and community engagement happen virtually, creating an interconnected culture that transcends geography.

Identity Construction in Physical and Digital Spaces

The convergence of physical and digital identity-making practices within the emo subculture illustrates the fluidity of identity in the contemporary media landscape. At Emo Nights, attendees perform their emo identities through style, makeup, and shared musical experiences in a setting that fosters inclusivity and solidarity. This mirrors Davis’ (2008) assertion that nightclubs often function as spaces where marginalised groups express and negotiate identities. The fluid gender performances seen at Emo Nights, where attendees reject binary norms, align with Buckland’s (2002) observations of alternative identity formation in club culture.

Simultaneously, emo identity is constructed and maintained in digital spaces. Attendees use platforms like Instagram to share photos of their outfits, performances, and experiences, extending their subcultural capital online. Using hashtags such as #EmoNights and #PunkIsNotDead solidifies their belonging to the subculture, echoing Thornton’s (1995) notion of subcultural capital. Memes and digital content circulate within these communities, reinforcing shared values and aesthetic choices. This digital identity construction also provides access to those unable to physically attend Emo Nights, including my friend, allowing them to engage with the subculture through virtual spaces.

Content Evolution and Digital Strategy

This expanded understanding of emo subculture influenced my ethnographic approach and shaped my content creation strategy. Initially, I planned a research paper focused solely on nightclub accessibility. However, as my understanding deepened, I embraced more dynamic media forms to reflect the subculture’s dual nature. I shifted towards producing a video essay for YouTube and short-form content for Instagram reels, tapping into the platforms most used by the emo community. Additionally, I used Pinterest to share fashion and meme content, drawing inspiration from existing emo meme pages like “Emonightshitposting” on Instagram. This multimedia approach mirrors the digital strategies employed by the subculture, ensuring my research remains relevant and accessible to the emo community.

Conclusion

In synthesising traditional ethnographic methods with netnographic approaches, my investigation provides a more nuanced understanding of how emo subcultures operate within physical and digital spaces. Reflexivity allowed me to adapt my research and content strategy, ensuring that both epiphanies—accessibility and the digital realm—were incorporated. Emo Nights illustrate the fluidity of identity construction in contemporary subcultures, where the boundaries between physical and digital worlds blur. My research aims to provide valuable insights into how alternative communities continue to thrive and evolve in an increasingly interconnected media landscape.

Bibliography

Ampmemonight, 2024, Screen Team, AM//PM, Instagram, viewed 20 August 2024,<https://www.instagram.com/p/C7Bbk8xS88P/?hl=en>.

Buckland, F. 2002, ‘Impossible Dance: Club Culture and Queer World-Making’, Wesleyan University Press.

Davis, A. 2008, ‘The Production of Space in Nightclubs: A Study of Identity and Marginalisation’, University of Birmingham.

Kavakci, E., & Kraeplin, C. 2017, ‘Fashionably Covered: What Hijab Fashion Bloggers Can Teach Us About Inclusive Social Media Spaces’, Journal of Communication, Vol. 67, No. 3, pp. 245-267.

Kozinets, R. V. 2010, ‘Netnography: Doing Ethnographic Research Online’, Sage Publications.

Thornton, S. 1995, ‘Club Cultures: Music, Media, and Subcultural Capital’, Polity Press.

Tutenges, S 2022, ‘Nightlife Ethnography: A Phenomenological Approach’, In S. M Bucerius, K. Haggerty& Berardi (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Ethnographies of Crime and Criminal Justice (pp. 408-426). Oxford University Press.